Landry: How Washington, D.C. style politics came to Texas

The Washington. D.C. style of politics morphed into a zero-sum game.  With roots of polarization (party division by ideology) dating to the mid-1970s, Washington’s fashion of absolutism for both Democrats and Republicans while turning average observers off at least seemed to be kept at the level and in that location.  With the 2021 regular session and three special sessions of the Texas Legislature, polarization is, without a shadow of a doubt, alive under the pink dome.

There is some evidence to suggest legislative process serves as the main driver in Congressional polarization.  This means mundane yet important actions like committee appointments, committee procedures, floor vote scheduling, and the actual floor votes serve as points of division between the two parties.  This is not by accident.  Former Republican Wyoming Congressman and Vice President Dick Cheney once said “…If everything is handled through compromise and conciliation, if there are no real issues dividing us from Democrats, why should the country change and make us the majority?”  Look at how in the past five years, under Republican and Democratic control, there have been clear and divisive votes in Congress on issues important to those parties.  Why did those votes take place?  Why did they vote on that bill?  The answer to those questions is quite transparent; to show the different priorities between the parties.

Now let us bring that same concept to the states.  For the third consecutive regular session, Oregon Republicans walked out of their legislature, bringing the process to a screeching halt in the Beaver State.  When it comes to the issue of abortion, 19 states enacted over 100 new restrictions with five states passing 63 new regulations alone.  On transgender issues, 33 states introduced roughly 100 bills regulating bathroom use and/or sports teams participation.  On the issue of critical race theory, which recently caused confusion in Texas, eight states banned the teaching of it in public schools.  Finally, on so-called election integrity bills, 19 states passed 33 bills concerning this issue.

Why did that action happen?  What caused the walkouts in Oregon?  Why did those bills become law?

Now, focus on Texas.  Upon review of Gov. Greg Abbott’s emergency item list back in February, red meat returned to the menu.  Outside of widespread support for broadband internet access, his four other initial items were to relitigate the 2020 election results, punish cities that defunded the police, bail reform, and COVID civil liability protections for businesses.  Combine those emergency items with the Lt. Governor’s extreme conservative agenda and his crafty measure to change Senate rules to bring bills to the floor, it makes a recipe for division. 

Then came the Democratic walkout at the end of the regular session and it lasted the entirety of the first special session causing Abbott to call a second special session that ended up passing nearly all of his agenda.  Then came the third special session, which focused on redistricting (which was tumultuous and displayed gerrymandering) and expanded Republicans’ front in the culture wars.

Why change Senate procedure?  What caused the Democratic walkout?  Why take up culture war issues?

The answers to those and previous questions are to show where the two parties stand on them, reverting to the earlier Cheney quote.  To further highlight this, analysis from Mark Jones (Rice University) shows the Liberal – Conservative Score in both chambers of the Texas Legislature.  Upon comparing and contrasting them from this term with previous ones, the average scores between the Parties diverged and has done so at an alarming rate for the past 10 years.

While the Texas GOP may claim victory for the regular and special sessions, what they leave behind in their victory celebrations is an institution that was once regarded as bipartisan and congenial.  Now, it is “my way or the highway.”  Compromise and consensus, which were revered as vital leadership qualities are now looked down upon as weaknesses and reasons to primary legislators. 

In the final analysis, the 2021 legislative sessions transformed Texas politics into federal politics.  It turned the national spotlight on controversial issues taken up by the legislature such as voting rights, firearms, and the culture wars with few of the everyday issues getting achieved.  It saw lawmakers treating each other as fierce enemies (reminiscent of Congress members and U.S. Senators) rather than congenial legislators.  The sessions saw several lawmakers not seek reelection either through retirement or resignation.  All similar to D.C.  Make no mistake, Texans were served a Texas-sized dose of Washington-style politics in 2021.  It looks like that is here to stay.

Drew Landry is an assistant professor of government at South Plains College.